Solidarity with the mass protests in Turkey

From www.paulmurphymep.eu, website of Paul Murphy, MEP, Socialist Party (CWI Ireland) Socialist Party MEP, Paul Murphy, is currently visiting Istanbul in a solidarity visit with the protest movement that has erupted from Gezi Park, from the evening of Friday 7th June until the evening of Sunday 9th June. During the visit, Paul will be meeting with activists in Taksim Square, trade unionists and an MP from the BDP [Party for Peace and Democracy, left-wing and the main pro-Kurdish party]. Paul commented on the visit: “The visit is to extend the solidarity of working people and activists across Europe, who are watching events in Turkey with sympathy for the protesters and are appalled by the brutality used by the state forces.” As a member of the European United Left – Nordic Green Left (GUE/NGL) in the European Parliament, Paul initiated a message of support, signed by 15 MEPs, with the Gezi Park protests: “We the undersigned, Members of the European United Left/ Nordic Green Left (GUE/NGL) group in the European Parliament would like to extend our solidarity to those who have been involved in peaceful mass protest movements across Turkey in the recent days and weeks. Working people and activists across Europe are watching events in Turkey with sympathy for the protesters and are appalled by the brutality used by the state forces. We support the call by the public sector trade union KESK who have called warning strikes in light of the brutal use of state violence against protesters. The right wing Turkish regime, a NATO ally with its own ambitions to become a regional power, is challenged by an uprising of anger and opposition. As left wing Members of the European Parliament, we defend the democratic right of all people in Turkey and indeed across the world to protest and to freedom of expression. We are appalled by the reports in the media that quote Premier Erdogan saying that the “protests are undemocratic” and that “the social media are a severe threat to society". We are enraged by the reports of mass arrests of more than 1,700 people and equally enraged about the 1,500 or so people that have been injured as a result of the police violence, some of them very seriously as we understand. We call on the Turkish government to end the police violence and support the call for an independent investigation into the use of state violence and demand that the findings will be made public and perpetrators be brought to justice. Many of us are actively involved in protest movements against the brutal austerity policies in our own countries which are imposed by the so called Troika of the International Monetary Fund, the European Central Bank and the European Commission, with the agreement and support of the national governments that have led to misery and poverty for many working class people and youth in particular. We witness how the democratic right to protest is increasingly threatened as the anger of people against neo-liberal and anti-social policies increases. That is why we need to stand together to defend our right to protest and to stand for a policy that defends the interests and living standards of the majority of the people and not the interests of a tiny rich minority. We say “Enough is enough!” the government has long violated democratic rights, the rights of workers, trade unions and minorities. Your courage and struggle is an inspiration to us and we will do everything in our power to highlight your struggle in the European Parliament and in the trade union and social movements that we are involved in. Yours in solidarity, Paul Murphy MEP, Ireland Martina Anderson MEP, Ireland Nikolaos Chountis MEP, Greece Takis Hadjigeorgiou MEP, Cyprus Jacky Hénin MEP, France Sabine Lösing MEP, Germany Marisa Matias MEP,Portugal Willy Meyer MEP, Spain Helmut Scholz MEP, Germany Soren Sondergaard MEP, Denmark Alda Sousa MEP, Portugal Kyriacos Triantaphyllides MEP, Cyprus Sabine Wils MEP, Germany Gabi Zimmer MEP, Germany"

Union rank and file rejects rotten “Croke Park 2” deal a Paul Murphy Irish MEP statement

www.socialistworld.net, 20/04/2013 website of the committee for a workers' international, CWI ‘No’ vote puts Labour Party on the ropes Statement by Paul Murphy, Socialist Party (CWI in Ireland) MEP • Workers in Ireland not passive supporters of austerity • Labour will seal electoral meltdown if they attempt to push through pay cuts Speaking following the ‘No’ vote on the Croke Park II deal (which included attacks on public sector wages and conditions demanded by the Troika) Paul Murphy MEP commented: “I warmly welcome the decisive No votes from SIPTU (Irelands biggest union), the INMO (nurses and midwives) and the INTO (teachers) announced this afternoon, which alongside the No votes from several other unions have killed off Croke Park II and has knocked the government and the troika onto the ropes. I congratulate those union activists and leaders who campaigned against this disastrous deal. “Internationally the government and the troika like to give the impression that workers in Ireland are passive supporters of austerity policies. This vote and the large protest in Dublin against the hated property tax last Saturday have dramatically exposed this lie “This vote is a key turning point, public sector workers have had enough of austerity, which has meant pay cuts and the destruction of the services they deliver. It shows that they are not prepared to take any more and are prepared to stand up to the bullying from the government, the troika, and the media together with strong pressure from the conservative trade union leaders. “Any attempt to legislate for pay cuts must be met by effective industrial action to defeat this weakened government. The Labour Party claims to be the party for working class people and the trade union movement. This lie has been well and truly exposed with their viscous austerity policies. Should Labour attempt to force through pay cuts for public sector workers, it should be made absolutely clear to them that it will seal their fate and guarantee electoral meltdown in local and European elections in 2014. “This year marks the 100th anniversary of the 1913 Lockout. Then, workers rose up against attacks on their living standards and discarded the old conservative trade union leadership in the process. If the union leaders fail to mobilise now against austerity policies they should face a similar fate as their pre-1913 counterparts.”

Cyprus bailout, poor suffer while bond holders are protected

As another EU country goes for another financial bailout affecting millions and potentially having a larger knock on affect the crisis in the Euro zone goes from bad to worse. The emerging details of the so-called bailout agreement with Cyprus indicate that there is no change in the recipe book of Troika bailouts – senior bondholders will be protected while working people will be crucified. Small deposit holders in Cypriot banks will lose 6.75% of their savings overnight, while international speculators and bondholders are protected. The hawks of global capitalism are using the crisis to impose their neo-liberal model of capitalism to increase their profits. A €1.4bn privatisation programme will see Cypriot public services run down and sold off at rock bottom prices. This seems to be the worst of a bad lot of so-called bailouts. People in Cyprus now face a future of vicious austerity and devastation of society that point towards a Greek situation of societal collapse. Austerity policies have devastated economies across Europe. The eurozone has returned to recession and the EU as a whole saw a collapse of GDP of 0.6% in the last quarter of last year alone. Why are these policies still being pursued despite the clear evidence that they don’t work from the point of view of the economy as a whole? Because austerity is working – it’s working for the bondholders and speculators whose debts are being repaid and for a section of big business who have increased profits off the back of attack on wages and conditions. It underlines the need for common struggle and resistance across Europe and for a programme for radical socialist change – repudiating the debts to the bondholders, public investment to create jobs, and democratic planning of our economies to redevelop our economies in an environmentally and economically sustainable manner.” With extracts from Paul Murphy MEP of the socialist party http://www.paulmurphymep.eu/cyprus-bailout-ordinary-householders-paying-for-senior-bondholders?utm_source=twitterfeed&utm_medium=twitter

Greece a uncertain future left must get organised and lead the fightback

Below i republish the last of Paul Murphy MEP's blog entries Paul is a MEP for the United Left Alliance in Ireland and is a member of the Irish socialist party CWI

So after four days campaigning in Greece, the elections are over and I’m headed to Brussels, where a vital vote on ACTA will take place at the International Trade Committee. I watched the election results with some members of Xekinima, the Socialist Party’s sister organisation in Greece, before going to the Synaspismos (biggest organisation in Syriza) offices where big crowds were gathered.

Although there were a few nailbiting moments, like when the first exit polls came out that put New Democracy’s range of votes only 0.5% higher than Syriza and rumours circulating that Syriza might just do it, in the end the private polls circulating over the past days were accurate and ND beat Syriza by about 2.5%.

The mood at the Synaspismos offices was mixed. On the one hand, Syriza had come so close to becoming the first party and potentially being able to form a left government, and so there was a certain disappointment. But on the other hand, there was celebration at the massive vote of 26.9% that Syriza received, which represents a huge increase of support of 10% since last month’s election and over 22% since the previous election! This demonstrates how quickly left parties can grow in public support in certain conditions.

When the outcome became clear, Alexis Tsipras, the leader of Syriza, rang the leader of New Democracy, Antonis Samaras, He congratulated Samaras and informed him that the responsibility for forming a government now lies with New Democracy, whereas Syriza will lead the opposition. This is undoubtedly the correct approach, any pressure from PASOK to join a ’national government’ in order to provide PASOK political cover must be resisted. Of course, the whole notion of a ’national government’ is a fraud – there can be no government which puts forward both austerity and socialist policies or which represents both the interests of bankers and working people. Afterwards, Tsipras arrived at the party headquarters for a very short press conference and then moved on to a nearby square, where over a thousand people gathered in good mood for another short speech.

Although PASOK initially declared it would not join a government without Syriza’s presence, I think it will be pressured to do the ’responsible’ thing for capitalism in Greece. Nonetheless, they will also try to trap Democratic Left (Dimar) into the government, and it currently seems that Dimar will join, which demonstrates the sell-out character of that party.

The marginal victory of the campaign of terror against the Greek people is likely to be pyrrhic and may be extremely short-lived. The stability promised by New Democracy in the election campaign will not be delivered and there will be a continuation of harsher and harsher austerity measures. The eurozone crisis will deepen and it is likely that Greece will find itself outside of the euro, even with a ND government. The focal point of struggle will move back to the streets and workplaces as workers respond to the renewed austerity attacks.

The left, in particular Syriza, is in a strong position to lead and organise this resistance and opposition, given its enhanced parliamentary position and public profile. If it does so, the incoming government can be defeated and can probably be brought down within a relatively short space of time. An election in such circumstances is likely to favour Syriza massively and it could well be in government within a year.

The continuation of Syriza in opposition will allow some time for a full discussion on what programme to advocate. This will be a vital debate and may be quite polarised, as some of the newer arrivals from PASOK attempt to shift the party to the right, while others, such as Xekinima, correctly emphasise the need for a full socialist programme to deal with the problems facing Greek society and economy. Given the deep nature of the crisis, any illusion that the rule of capital can be maintained, while more ’social’ measures are implemented, should be dispelled in this discussion. Syriza needs to flesh out a programme for repudiating the debt, immediately nationalising the banks and key sectors of the economy under democratic workers’ control and a democratic plan to redevelop the economy.

The other party which is now likely to be convulsed by a major internal debate is the Greek Communist Party (KKE). The drop in the KKE’s vote from 8.5% to 4.5% will provoke a major discussion and opposition to the leadership’s sectarian approach to Syriza. By refusing to implement a united front approach with Syriza, while making criticisms of Syriza’s leadership and programme, the KKE missed a big opportunity to engage with millions of people moving against austerity and towards socialist policies. The reports from the ground suggest that many KKE members, activists and supporters are deeply unahppy with this approach.

The other notable and worrying feature of the election is the vote of the fascist Golden Dawn. They maintained their vote at 6.9%, despite exposing their character with daily assaults on immigrants around Greece and their MP’s attack on KKE and Syriza MPs on a TV channel. This result will embolden them to continue their attacks and with a new government committed to implementing the memorandum programme, they can probably be expected to experience further growth.

With hundreds of dedicated activists and now a wider support in society, they are a real menace. Of course, the majority of their voters are not fascists, but are people affected by the crisis, in particular small businesspeople, who accept the easy answer that the immigrants are the problem and see Golden Dawn as an anti-establishment force.

The Left in Greece must now take this threat seriously – which means joint work now to stop the fascists in their tracks. The left parties together (Syriza, KKE and Antarsya) should take the initiative to form anti-fascist committees in every neighbourhood – bringing together left activists, community and trade union activists. These committees could wage a campaign of education explaining the pernicious anti-democratic and anti-worker nature of fascism. They could also take up and campaign on the issues that the fascists thrive on such as the inadequate provision of housing and public services. In addition, defence committees are needed, to be able to protect immigrants, gay people and left meetings and activists from attack from these emboldened fascists.

The KKE in particular, with its base of thousands of working class activists, could play a particularly important role in combating this threat and should take an initiative in a non-sectarian way. If the left does not take this threat seriously and respond to it now, the problem will only grow greater.

Although Syriza did not win the elections this time around, their massive vote does herald a new period for left parties in Europe and in the so-called peripheral countries in particular. As the crisis and struggles deepen, there will be big opportunities for the left to grow.

All eyes will rightly be on Greece as the crisis deepens. People in Ireland and elsewhere should provide active solidarity and support for those struggling against Greek austerity and capitalism. In addition, each stage of the crisis in Greece should be studied and discussed – because in many ways it is a window into our own future. Above all, the best solidarity that we can give to the suffering Greek people is to develop movements in Britain and across Europe that can defeat austerity policies and put socialist change on the agenda.

Why Greek people should back Syriza this Sunday reports from Paul Murphy MEP

This Sunday will see a major turn in the euro crisis book of developments. The good people of Greece who have been through so so much and are living in almost povety status go to the polls again this Sunday for the second time in under a month to vote who should govern them. The question is very clear austerity in the EU or austerity outside the EU. Either way the Greek people are locked into austerity unless Syriza the beacon of hope on the left and who’s eye’s many on the left all over Europe and the world will be on. This could be a explosive situation as our socialist party MEP Paul Murphy explains below.

the run-up to Sunday's election. He'll be writing daily reports of his experiences; the first of these is below.
The eyes of Europe's left and many working class people suffering under austerity are now on Greece. This was brought home to me when I arrived yesterday in Greece and found myself amongst many international visitors who were also present to support Syriza in the final days of the election campaign. Those present included Francisco Louca, the leader of the Left Bloc in Portugal, together with many of his Portugeuese comrades; Willy Meyer; a Spanish MEP of Izquierda Unida; a left MP from Argentina, and people from Occupy Wall Street. Many more are coming, including the Marxist academic, David Harvey, and Gabi Zimmer MEP, the President of the GUE/NGL left group in the European Parliament.
Is this simply 'revolutionary tourism' that we are all engaged in? Not at all. A war has been waged across Europe since the economic crisis began. This is not a war between the peoples of Europe, rather it is a war waged by the bankers, bondholders, speculators and rich capitalist elite against working class and poor people. Austerity has been imposed, not because it 'works', from the point of view of working people or the economy as a whole, but because it is a means for those forces to make the rest of us pay for their crisis. Concretely, in Ireland, Greece, Portugal and Spain this takes the form of the repayment of unsustainable and odious debt that is paid by the destruction of people's living standards and society.
Greece is at the very frontline of this war. The Greek people have suffered the most vicious austerity, with Greece having been turned into a laboratory for extremely harsh neoliberal measures. The human costs are seen in the 22% rise in suicide, meaning Greece has the highest suicide rate in all of Europe; the soup kitchens of the orthodox church which feed over 200,000 people daily, and the mass unemployment, with an official rate of 21% (50% for young people). When we look at Greece, we see the future that menaces working class people in the other countries that have also been the victims of austerity programmes. It is therefore a basic duty of solidarity to support the struggles of workers in Greece against these policies.
However, the working class people of Greece are not simply the victims of this war, they now have a unique opportunity to strike a blow against the austerity agenda and demand alternative socialist policies. If they strike that blow by electing Syiza in first place on Sunday and laying the basis for a left government, it will have enormous ramifications for people all across Europe. It will open up a new chapter of explosive struggle within Europe and potentially expose the mantra of 'there is no alternative' for the neoliberal propaganda that it is. It can also turn a new page on the development of left parties elsewhere in Europe.
So I have come to Greece to express the solidarity of the Socialist Party in Ireland and the Committee for a Workers' International (www.socialistworld.net) with the Greek people suffering under austerity, and also to show our support for Syriza in these vital elections. Together with the sister party of the Socialist Party in Greece, Xekinima, I will do whatever I can to enable Syriza to achieve a victor,y and I am also here to learn from the struggles of the Greek working class.
It is only slightly over a month since the last general election in Greece, and we are now two days away from another one. May's election produced a resounding defeat for all of the bailout parties and a massive rise of support for Syriza, the 'Radical Coalition of the Left', which finished in second place. A government could not be formed and so another election was called. In the opinion polls, the main right-wing party New Democracy and Syriza now vie for first place. Whichever finishes in first place will get a 50 seat bonus in the 300 seat parliament as a result of an undemocratic system constructed to try to ensure stable rule by establishment parties. If Syriza wins, it may be in a position to form a left government.
It is this possibility that has raised the stakes and tensions in this election campaign. The political and economic establishment in Greece and throughout Europe have waged a massive campaign of fear against the Greek people to terrorise them into voting for New Democracy. Like in Ireland, there is a large majority which wishes to stay in the euro, and this group is preyed upon by right-wing forces who declare that if people elect Syriza, Greece will be ejected from euro, will have to return to the drachma, and will see its crisis will deepen dramatically. In contrast, the hopes of many who have suffered terribly under two so-called 'bailout' programmes have been raised by the real possibility of a left government committed to ending austerity.
This hope was in clear display at the major outdoor election rally I attended last night, where an estimated 6,000 plus people attended. Flags and banners of Syriza and its component parts flew throughout the crowd as music such as 'People have the power' and 'Bandero Rossa' blared out of huge speakers. Eventually the first Syriza MP to address the crowd strode onto the stage, a female former PASOK MP who broke early with PASOK to join Syriza. She was warmly welcomed as was her internationalist speech. She emphasised that “it is finally the time of the people” and said that on Sunday, Greek people had the opportunity to “send a message of struggle and solidarity across Europe”. Tackling the scaremongering tactics of the right, she denounced the leaders of Europe who have been terrorising people for years and are now using “the final terror – memorandum [of understanding – what the 'bailout' deal is popularly referred to in Greece] or drachma”.
After a relatively short speech, the leader of Syriza, Alexis Tsipras walked onto stage to loud and sustained applause. His speech was one of hope, tapping into the expectations of change after this election. He repeatedly declared that Monday would see a new era open up, one of “sustainable and just development.” In detailing the “historic opportunity” that people face on Sunday, he rejected the scare tactics and declared that the vote is “a referendum on memorandum or hope”. Despite the length of his speech, around 45 minutes, neither he nor the crowd flagged at the end of what must be an extremely gruelling campaign. The message was one of confidence of victory on Sunday and that real change would flow from that.
Within Tsipras's speech however, the pressures of the struggle to finish first in the elections were also clear. In the course of the election campaign, the demands of Syriza have somewhat moderated – moving from outright rejection of the memorandum of understanding to a demand for its renegotiation – for example. In the speech, there were also concessions to nationalism, portraying Syriza as the true upholders of the 'Greek flag' in contrast to those who support the Troika, while the word socialism was notably absent (although not from the crowd, who interrupted Tsipras at one stage with a chant demanding the end of capitalism and socialist change!)
The danger with these concessions is that Syriza seems to me not to be preparing people fully for the scale of the struggle that will be unleashed on a European scale if a left government is formed in Greece. Ending austerity in today's Europe means a revolutionary break with the logic of capitalism and the implementation of socialist polcies. On a European scale, it also means not just a national battle, but a Europe-wide war.
In particular, this danger finds its highest expression in Tsipras's promise last night that Greece will not be kicked out of the euro if Syriza is elected. This may well prove to be a hostage to fortune.
The dynamic of the Eurozone crisis, with or without Syriza being elected, points to Greece being kicked out of the Eurozone. If Syriza comes to power and keeps to its promise not to implement austerity, a major clash with Angela Merkel and the leaders Europe's governments together with the European Commission and Central Bank will ensue. While no country can be legally expelled from the Eurozone, the political leaders of Europe could achieve expulsion by cutting off funding to the state and Greek banks and provoking a major crisis.
Regardless of the possibility of being forced out of the euro, Greek people are still correct to vote against austerity and for a change of policy. The savage austerity in Europe is deepening the Eurozone crisis and creating massive instability. Continuing with that policy will not secure Greece's place in the Eurozone or guarantee any stability. So people should not vote on Sunday on the basis of false promises that Greece will stay in the euro if austerity is implemented, but rather take the opportunity to vote for radical anti-austerity and socialist policies.
In Syriza's five point programme at the the time of the first election, and in many of their statements since, they have opened the discussion on many of the key questions to be tackled by a left government. Like in Ireland, the first issue has to be a refusal to pay the debt, because the effort to repay it is destroying the economy and society. Syriza has also rightly highlighted the importance of taking the banking system into public control - this can only be done through nationalisation and democratic control and management. With such a banking system, capital controls could be imposed to stop the flood of rich people's money out of the country and to provide credit for small businesses and farmers.
Regenerating economic growth will require a break from the past policy of relying on the rich to invest their wealth, which they have proved unwilling to do. Instead, the key sections of the economy need to be taken into democratic public ownership and a plan developed to redevelop the economy, including a strong and sustainable manufacturing and industrial base.
If Syriza is elected on Sunday, it will be a big step forward towards this fundamental and necessary change. But it would be mistaken to think that it will represent the final chapter of the struggle against capitalist austerity. The people of Greece should prepare for the continuation and intensification of the attack of European leaders against them. However, they should also know, as demonstrated by the many international visitors here, that they will not be alone. Tens of millions of people across Europe will welcome a clear rejection of austerity and the election of a left government. It would assist massively in developing the Europe-wide struggle necessary to defeat the capitalist establishments and their austerity.
There is the distinct feeling amongst all of the international guests of being privileged to be in the eye of the storm here on the eve of the what may be an extremely important development for working people across Europe. I intend to take full advantage by learning lessons from the Greek struggle that can be applied in Ireland and across Europe.
Paul Murphy is Socialist Party MEP for Dublin West in Ireland.

Say no to austerity vote No this Thursday in Ireland

The 'austerity' treaty referendum is the dominant issue in Ireland's news media. The treaty which involves 25 out of the 27 EU members (Britain and the Czech Republic opted out) is the latest response by the European political establishment to the sovereign debt crisis.
The background to the referendum is the growing unpopularity of the government. Opinion polls show dissatisfaction with the government has swelled to 65%. The Financial Times reports that senior government ministers have faced verbal abuse on the campaign trail. The deputy finance minister was called "a waste of space" and "just a yes man".
But as Socialist Party TD Joe Higgins explains the establishment parties are "now holding an economic and political weapon to the heads of the Irish people to coerce them into voting 'Yes' to their austerity Treaty on 31 May."
Their arguments in favor of this treaty involve a re-writing of recent economic history. Apparently, the crisis we face is at root a crisis of public spending and governments, particularly in the 'peripheral' countries by not having balanced budgets.
The reality of course is that this is a crisis of capitalism and the particular form in which it began was in the banking and property sectors where the lending practices of banks across Europe fuelled property bubbles particularly in countries such as Ireland and Spain.
However both Ireland and Spain had 'balanced budgets' before this crisis began. That has since changed because of the scale of private banking debt that has been taken on by governments.
The other side of the crisis is the collapse of private sector investment, a strike of capital which in Ireland has seen fixed capital formation decline by 65% since the crisis began raising unemployment in Ireland to 500,000 or 14% of the active population.

In the referendum in 2009 the 'Yes' side (which apart from the government principally includes the Fianna Fáil 'opposition' and the employers' organisation IBEC) is again using a combination of carrot and stick with the electorate.
Vague promises of growth, stability and jobs are promised if a yes vote is achieved. This does not wash with the public. The Socialist Party and the United Left Alliance, which the SP is part of, has pointed out that over 100,000 fewer people are at work now compared to the time of the Lisbon Treaty. The figure would be higher but for emigration.
Figures from the Central Statistics office show that more than 3,000 Irish people are leaving the country each month, the highest number since the Famine in the mid-19th century.
The absence of convincing positive reasons is acknowledged by a host of right wing economists and some opposition right wing TDs (MPs) who instead rely on the 'stick' argument. They say that without passing this treaty Ireland will be denied access to the only source of emergency funding available to it (the European Stabilization Mechanism) in the event of a second bailout being required - which everybody apart from the government thinks is a near certainty.
Therefore, we are told that Ireland and the other member states who are party to this treaty must (as required by articles three and four of the treaty) implement savage additional cuts in the years ahead to bring our structural deficit to GDP ratio to 0.5%.
Ireland's estimated structural deficit for 2013 is 3.7% necessitating an additional €6 billion in cuts according to the Unite trade union. The corresponding total scale of additional cuts across Europe to meet these targets is estimated to be some €161 billion.
Articles five and seven empower the unelected European Commission and European Council to automatically place countries in effective administration if deficit targets are exceeded. Taken together the treaty essentially seeks to enshrine austerity in the law and constitutions of the signatory countries and preclude for example any expansionary budgetary policy of government borrowing to fund job creating public works projects and reverse the economic decline.
As Socialist Party MEP Paul Murphy points out, this is a bankers' and bondholders' treaty. It is about putting the working people and unemployed of Europe on rations so that as much bank debt as possible is paid on the back of destroying public services, wages and working conditions.
One of the biggest ploys used by the 'yes' camp is to paint a picture that if the treaty is rejected then Ireland will be left isolated in Europe.

However, the rejection of austerity by working class voters in recent weeks in Greece, Italy, Germany and Britain, and the collapse of the Dutch government because of its inability to process €16 billion of austerity, demonstrate to working class people in Ireland that their rejection of the fiscal compact will be welcomed by tens of millions of their brothers and sisters across Europe.
The broadcasting rules during the referendum campaign have forced the media to give 50% of time to the 'no' side which in the main is the Socialist Party/United Left Alliance and Sinn Féin.
Our representatives, unlike Sinn Féin, have dealt with the question of Ireland's borrowing requirements and funding needs in 2013 and beyond by calling for a cancellation of debt servicing, implementing wealth taxes and by raising the slogan of a socialist Europe as the only means of overcoming this crisis of capitalism.
The latest opinion poll claims the 'yes' side is on 37%, 'no' 24% and 'don't know' 37%. This is remarkable given the scale of scaremongering by the 'yes' side and the fact that they outspend the 'no' side by a factor of tens.
The FT accompanied Socialist Party MEP Paul Murphy as he campaigned in Dublin city centre and reported that "it is clear that working class voters are more likely to vote No than the middle classes".
Regardless of the outcome, the experience of the household tax shows that it is one thing to pass a law or effect a constitutional change on the basis of lies, fear and deception but it is another thing entirely too actually implement the cuts. We can look forward to stiff, active and sustained resistance to austerity in Ireland and across the continent in the months and years ahead.


With extracts taken from the Irish socialist party part of the CWI

Paul Murphy MEP writes on diminished democracy in the EU

democracy in the EU .
Thursday, 01 September 2011 14:02 Paul Murphy . .
The continued economic crisis gripping the eurozone has raised questions of the role of democracy in the European Union, writes Paul Murphy, MEP from the Irish Socialist party part of the CWI.

Euro crisis – democracy diminished to facilitate austerity

In scrambling to avoid a break-up of the eurozone, the approach of the elites in Europe has been characterised by two common themes – austerity programmes to make the working class pay, and a further diminishing of democracy to facilitate the implementation of that austerity.

The results of that austerity have been felt by millions of people across Europe, particularly those in the countries that have received ‘bailouts’ for the European bankers – Ireland, Greece and Portugal. The failure of this medicine of cutbacks and attacks to generate economic growth and enable economies to be redeveloped has also been documented.

Here, I want to focus on the sinister and persistent undermining of democratic checks and controls that have been driven by the establishment in Europe in the course of the crisis. In saying that, no one should presume that the EU was a bastion of democracy prior to the crisis. Even within the limited terms of capitalist democracy, the EU is an inherently undemocratic organisation.

Despite the repeated rhetoric to the contrary, the European Parliament, which is the only directly elected body, has relatively little power. It has no power to ‘initiate’ legislation and a large portion of its work simply consists of making recommendations or suggestions in so-called “Own-Initiative reports” that go to the European Commission. It is with this unelected European Commission (President: Jose Manuel Barrosso) and the European Council (made up of the heads of state of the EU countries) that real power lies.

The Commission in particular plays the role of a strategic thinker for the capitalist classes in Europe. Shielded from the pressure of mass movements and not having to face elections in the member states, it is able to baldly put forward a strategy for a neoliberal, militarised Europe like that set out in its “Europe 2020” strategy.

So even in advance of the economic crisis, the level of democracy within the EU structures has been extremely limited. Decision making consciously takes place out of sight and mind and shrouded in technocratic language to make it very removed from public scrutiny and debate.

However, with the advent of the crisis and the consensus of the establishment around the need to impose austerity as a solution, democratic checks are being diminished even further. This attack on democratic rights fundamentally flows from the fact that if given a choice, the mass of people would not choose vicious austerity, cutbacks and mass unemployment! Therefore, to achieve the chosen ‘solution’ of the establishment, the people must not be given a choice. These attacks on democratic rights have taken a variety of forms.

Increased role of the European Central Bank


The European Central Bank is, in line with neoliberal economic logic, ‘independent’. Independent of whom, you might ask? Well, independent from any democratic check or oversight by representatives of ordinary people. It certainly isn’t independent from the interests of big business and the right-wing economics that serves their interests. One of the clear developments in this crisis has been an increase in the role of the European Central Bank, and its President, Jean-Claude Trichet.

The ECB is now an equal partner in the so-called ‘Troika’ of the European Commission, the ECB and the IMF. This means that the central bank for Europe is actively intervening with the governments of Europe to demand certain austerity policies. More than that, however, particularly in recent weeks, it has used its powers as a potential buyer of bonds on the bond markets, to blackmail countries into implementing very specific austerity policies.

It has emerged that Mr. Trichet wrote a secret letter to the Italian government in early August detailing a series of austerity measures to be implemented in exchange for the ECB agreeing to purchase Italian bonds. The letter called for privatisation of municipal assets, liberalisation of various sectors and gave detailed advice on how to relax Italian employment law!

The response was swift, with both the Italian and Spanish governments aceding to the requests, which are in line with the right-wing character of these governments in any case. Berlusconi announced a package which included extra austerity measures worth €45.5 billion. The Spanish government did likewise, and promised a constitutional cap on debt amongst other measures.


This incredible situation – whereby an ‘independent’ ECB dictates, not just the general thrust of policies (which would be bad enough), but also offers detailed austerity proposals – was not commented on widely. However, it is a very clear indication of the diminishing of democracy within the EU as part of the establishment’s response to the crisis.

So much so that Berlusconi (no friend of democracy or workers’ interests) was moved to exclaim: “They made us look like an occupied government.” Of course, it suits the likes of Berlusconi to blame the ECB for the austerity his right-wing government is carrying out. Clearly a genuine left government would refuse to be bullied by the ECB or the markets, by refusing to pay the debt to the international bondholders and instead raising necessary funds by taxing the super-rich and corporations as well as developing economic growth through a democratic plan based on the needs of ordinary people. However Berlusconi’s comment is indicative of the incredible power that this entirely unelected and unaccountable institution has gathered for itself.


Moves towards an “economic government"

Repeated calls have now been made by the establishment in Europe for the creation of some sort of ‘economic government’ or ‘economic council’, to be chaired, if the current wishes of Chancellor Merkel and President Sarkozy are to be met, by Hermann Van Rompuy (the currently unelected President of the European Council). This body would be a sort of economic leadership for the eurozone countries. In other words, its aim would be to ensure that sufficient austerity is applied with sufficient vigour across Europe.

After their recent summit, President Sarkozy announced the aim “to create a real economic government for the eurozone” and Chancellor Merkel announced “there has to be a stronger coordination of financial and economic policy". You can be sure that they are aware that this “stronger co-ordination” (read: common austerity) and economic government will not be welcomed by the mass of people.

Instead, to achieve this move towards fiscal unity, they know they have to diminish democracy further, hence the concentration of more powers and “economic direction” into the hands of an unaccountable “economic government”.

The most boldly-stated version of this proposal has come from the German Foreign Minister Guido Westerwelle who has called for a “stability council” of unelected supervisors for the economies in the eurozone, with the power to impose sanctions on countries that don’t implement sufficient austerity.

Economic governance and the eurozone plus pact


The apex of the current attacks on democracy within the EU are plans for “economic governance”. This series of proposals, which are currently still being fine tuned, amount to a further serious diminishing of democratic checks within the EU.

Budgets will now have to be presented to the European Commission and Council for approval (“surveillance”) in advance of any debate in national parliaments. The proposals also strengthen the “Growth and Stability Pact” which limits countries’ public debt to 60% of GDP and their annual deficits to 3% of GDP. Sanctions are to be introduced for countries that miss these targets, with states in breach having to pay 0.2% of their GDP into a non-interest bearing account, which will be lost as a fine if they do not follow the directions of the Commission. This fine can be increased up to 0.5% of GDP (around €700 million for Ireland). The final element is a procedure to prevent “macroeconomic imbalances”. The Commission will create a series of parameters (as yet unannounced) and a scoreboard of austerity will be used to measure a country’s progress. If a state fails to meet the targets, further massive fines can be imposed.

All of these moves are designed to facilitate the imposition of semi-permanent austerity in Europe. It is being prepared with the awareness that a major movement of opposition to cutbacks already exists in Greece, Portugal and Spain and can easily develop in Ireland and other countries. Conscious of the pressure that such movements can exert on governments that have to seek re-election, this is designed to move decision-making further away from working people and create a counter-pressure on national governments (through the threat of fines and the process of budgetary surveillance) to enable them to resist these movements.

How can the further diminishing of democracy be stopped?


The diminishing of democratic checks is entirely related to the content of the proposals that the undermining of democracy is designed to facilitate. Therefore, the battle against austerity of the Left and the trade union movement needs to take up the question of democracy within the European Union as well.

In Ireland, loud noise must be made to demand a referendum which it is the intention of the government to not grant us, on the amendments to the Lisbon Treaty to facilitate the establishment of the European Stability Mechanism. Fundamentally, the whole undemocratic EU project must be resisted and a struggle for an alternative, socialist Europe, based on the interests of working people across the continent and mass participative democracy, must be waged.

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Paul Murphy is the Socialist Party and United Left Alliance MEP for Dublin. He replaced Joe Higgins after his victory in the 2011 General Elections. More information can be found on his blog: http://www.paulmurphymep.eu/.

Press Release: International solidarity need for Kazakhstan

this article was just posted on Paul Murphy's blog the socialist party's own MEP from Ireland part of the CWI- committee for workers international on the recent strikes in Kazakhstan



As I mentioned yesterday, I have spent the past week in Kazakhstan meeting up with NGOs, community activists and striking workers. It was an incredible trip and the scale of the strike wave is unbelievable and is having an enormous impact throughout Kazakhstan, despite the massive repression from the state. Below is a Press Release from this morning outlining what exactly is going on and the importance of a campaign of international solidarity with the workers. In the next few hours, I’ll post up a draft protest letter and I’d encourage everyone to send a copy as well as asking friends, family and colleagues to also do so and if possible, to push for your trade union branch to send a copy too.

Press Statement: 21 July 2011

Official visit of Paul Murphy MEP as part of European United Left delegation to Kazakhstan

*Incredible strike movement impacting oil production in West Kazakhstan
*Strikers are met with jailings, intimidation and brutal repression – right to strike and form independent trade unions are being denied.
*Management is refusing to negotiate with strikers – massive campaign of international solidarity needed
*Sting cancelled concert in support of the striking oil workers


Paul Murphy MEP is currently on a delegation to Kazakhstan on behalf of the European United Left group (GUE/NGL) in the European Parliament. Within the short period of a week, he has traveled across this vast country, meeting with mining workers near Karaganda, campaigners against housing evictions in Almaty, as well as representatives of the government.

A major strike is raging in the Mangistau Oblast in the west of Kazakhstan, where, at its height, up to 16,000 workers in the oil industry have been on strike. This strike has now been ongoing for over two months. Supporting this strike was a key reason for the visit. Paul spoke to open air meetings of thousands of workers, met individually with workers to discuss their cases and had discussions with the management of KazMunaiGas, Kazakhstan’s national oil giant which is closely linked to the government and President of Kazakhstan, Nursultan Nazarbayev. He also met with the local governor in the area. Before visiting Kazakhstan, he had spoken out about the strike in the European Parliament (http://www.paulmurphymep.eu/kazakhstanvisit)

One of the most pressing demands for the workers is the release of two trade union representatives who have been jailed. Natalia Sokolova was the workers’ lawyer and has been jailed for “fermenting social conflict” and another trade union representative, Akshimat Aminov, has also been jailed. If found guilty, Natalia Sokolova will face a prison sentence of more than 10 years.

“The jailing of two trade union representatives and lawyers of these striking workers is an outrageous attack on the right to strike and the right to form free and independent trade unions. Natalia Sokolova, has now been in jail for over two months. I spoke with her husband, who has been denied the right to see her for all of that time and has received a death threat in the post telling him to drop this case. These breaches of human rights and workers’ rights are only a selection of the abuses that I have witnessed”

“The repression, brutality and intimidation that these workers are faced with is outrageous. Workers’ protests have been attacked by the riot police. The strikers have been sent text messages threatening the lives of their families and threatening to burn their homes. Many have also received official letters from the company stating that if they continue their strike, they will be fired. Hundreds of workers have already been fired, simply for exercising what should be their right to strike.

“I not only met with workers and their representatives in west Kazakhstan, but also with the Governor of the region and very senior representatives of the oil company, KazMunaiGaz. Unfortunately, it was clearly explained by the First Vice President of the company, that the management is not willing to discuss with representatives of the strikers until the strikers return to work, and that those who have been fired would not be able to return. Clearly that is a call for the workers to surrender rather than a serious attempt at negotiation.

“A serious campaign of disinformation is being waged by the Kazakh authorities in downplaying the importance of the strike. The attempt to undermine the strike has now also led to allegations about the character of my visit. The Kazakhstan national press agency released a statement declaring that I am simply here on a ‘private visit’, when in fact I am on an official delegation from the European United Left parliamentary group.

“I am convinced that the workers’ demands are justified. Natalia Sokolova and Akshamat Aminov, the workers’ trade union representatives, should be released immediately. All of the workers who have been fired and all of the strikers should be allowed back to work without any reprisal actions being taken against them. The company must sit down to negotiate with the elected representatives of the strikers.”

“I have given a firm commitment to these workers that I will do everything in my power to assist them and I certainly intend to do that. I will be launching an international solidarity campaign with these workers.

“Sting recently cancelled a concert in Kazakhstan in support of the oil workers’ strike saying that, ‘Hunger strikes, imprisoned workers and tens of thousands on strike represents a virtual picket line which I have no intention of crossing’.

“More solidarity like this is necessary. I am calling on the trade union movement in Ireland and across Europe to take up the cause of these heroic workers and to express their support for the workers in order to increase pressure on the company to negotiate with the strikers.”