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Wednesday, 12 September 2012

Learning the lessons from the other September 11th

While many around the world were paying their respects to the victims of 9/11 the attacks on the twin towers and the terrorist attacks in America in 2001. Many working class people were also paying tribute to the other September the 11th. The 11th of September in 1973 when in Chile in South America a brutal suppression lead to tragedy after a popular socialist government was defeated. IN SEPTEMBER 1970, Salvador Allende was elected President of Chile. His Popular Unity (UP) government - made up of large workers' parties (Socialists, Communists) and smaller middle-class parties - defeated the conservative Christian Democrats (CDs). Hopes were raised of a 'parliamentary road to socialism', tackling capitalism through peaceful, constitutional means. Three years later, these dreams lay in ashes. Militant reported in the issue of 14 September 1973: "After three turbulent years of social crisis and economic chaos, the Popular Unity government ... has been snuffed out under the iron heel of the military. "All the hopes, all the sacrifices of the Chilean workers and poor peasants during this period, have come to nothing. The armed forces have seized power in Chile by a military coup. The capitalists have used their military power to destroy the reforms instituted by the 'Popular Unity' government." These reforms included efforts to raise the living standards of the poorest, to ensure full employment to the workers and land to the peasants. Why were the Chilean people's hopes dashed? For three years, articles in Militant explained how, even in a country known as the "England of Latin America", the ruling capitalist class would not take such attacks on their privileges lightly. Since 1920, Chile's 'constitutional' army had organised nine coups! In February 1972 we warned: "Chilean society teeters on the brink of crisis. The question is posed: will the workers and peasants succeed in guaranteeing the gains of Allende's government, by pressing forward to socialist revolution, or will the reaction strike with ferocious vengeance...?" The Allende government nationalised the huge US-owned copper industry with little compensation to the owners. However large parts of the economy were left untouched, so were the judicial system, the media and vitally, the armed forces. Allende was allowed to take office only if the UP promised to leave the armed forces as they were, with the officer caste left in control and all the privileges of the army tops left intact. Rank and file members of the armed forces were even forbidden the right to join a trade union and freedom of political association. Revolutionary programme CHILE'S RULING class did not move to crush Allende early in his rule. Both they and US imperialism feared an explosive reaction from workers and youth both in Chile and in the rest of Latin America and even in a USA traumatised by Vietnam. But Allende held the masses back from defending their revolution with phrases warning against 'provoking reaction'. "Allende thinks", said Militant in February 1972, that "he can 'neutralise' the generals - the faithful servants of the capitalists, by flattering them and praising their 'Chilean respect for democracy'." Militant stressed that a peaceful transition could only be guaranteed by "a bold revolutionary programme" including setting up "peasant committees to take over the land... A decree on land nationalisation would legalise the accomplished revolutionary fact. "Workers' control of industry... to prevent factory closures. Industry should be nationalised with minimum compensation on the basis of need. Action committees... should be set up by the trade unions to force landlords and traders to reduce prices and rents." Finally, we wrote "A workers' militia, based on the unions, should be set up to defend the workers' gains... Allende should appeal to the army rank and file - the workers in uniform - to set up soldiers' committees. Faced with a powerful movement in the army, the generals would be suspended in mid-air." Militant explained how Chile's ruling class "could not be overwhelmed by using its own state", that "It was necessary to raise the workers' organisations, most developed in the form of Soviets (workers' and peasants' committees) to state power, completely paralysing and dismantling the old state in the process." The ruling class used their economic control to sabotage the economy and build opposition amongst small businesses such as the private lorry owners. Then, Militant said: "after a sufficient period of 'anarchy' the generals will be able to step forward as the 'saviours' of the country". We argued that "only the working class, fighting on a clear socialist programme, can really defend the interests of the small proprietors... grant cheap credit to the small farmers, the shopkeepers... to develop their businesses until voluntarily they would agree to form co-operative enterprises, eventually merging with state industry when they could see this path would lead to a better standard of life for them." Sowing illusions BY JUNE 1973 the armed forces were disarming workers, searching for arms in the workers' districts and factories and taking action against sailors affected by revolutionary propaganda. That month the counter-revolution attempted a premature coup. Militant reported: "The Chilean bosses and their blood-brothers in the army general staff understand fully that premature attempts at a coup would, without doubt, provoke a mass uprising which would endanger the whole system..." As an article in The Guardian said "If so far the Chilean army has held back, the explanation is... not any peculiar national tradition, but the formidable strength now acquired by the labour movement". Militant commented: "This is the explanation for the abject failure of the coup attempt... on 29 June. It was suppressed by 'loyal units' of the army within two and a half hours - just in time. For as news of the coup spread, thousands of workers struck, occupied their factories and, leaving armed pickets on the gates, marched on the Presidential Palace. "Here was a movement which could have put an end once and for all to the threat of reactionary tyranny. But Allende appealed for a return to work and riot police were sent in to break up the milling crowds. Only this cowardice, this treachery, this total lack of perspective, enabled the bosses to gasp for breath once more. "Only the blocking of the movement of the masses as a result of this betrayal emboldened the road hauliers enough to raise their heads in defiance of the UP! "Even then, the magnificent Chilean workers called a 24-hour general strike on 9 August to ... support the UP against the "road hauliers' blackmail". There is no shortage of courage or willingness to fight. What is lacking is leadership." Appeal Militant finished this article with an appeal to the "left wing, especially the Socialist youth" to "fight for committees of action for the defence of the rights of the workers and the defence of the revolution to be set up in every factory, workers' district, and armed forces." These forces, we said, should "be linked locally, in the districts and nationally together with all workers' organisations to provide the necessary framework for pushing forward the revolution and defeating the counter-revolutionary plots of reaction." We ended by demanding: "Arm the workers! Expel the capitalist ministers, civilian and military, from the UP government. For a socialist Chile!" However the UP leaders' response to this coup threat was to bring three military chiefs and the commander of the Federal Police into the Cabinet. Just weeks later, the generals and commanders were using their state forces to crush Allende's government and end the reforms. On 9 September 1973, just two days before the coup, half a million workers marched past Allende on the balcony of the presidential palace - most of them were demanding arms to defend the gains of 1970-73. But tragically, as Militant said after the coup, Allende and his government "failed to organise workers' councils of action and to arm the workers and appeal to the rank and file soldiers, sailors and airmen to set up committees." They gave "support to the reactionary officers, Generals and Admirals of the armed forces. "Allende sowed illusions in the 'neutrality' of the army caste and the acceptance by the capitalists of the Chilean constitution. This was the fatal error of policy for which the workers and peasants of Chile are paying in blood and suffering." The coup led by General Pinochet saved capitalism in Chile by plunging the workers, peasantry and middle class into 17 years of dictatorship, murdering at least 5,000 political opponents and torturing hundreds of thousands more. Future generations of working-class revolutionaries must learn the lessons of Chile 1970-73. With extracts taken from the Militant and the socialist.

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