NSSN to step up pressure on the TUC, name the day!

After the NSSN’s fantastic lobby of the TUC back in September almost 3 months on the TUC has still not called the day for a 24 hour general strike. We knew this wasn’t going to be easy or a demand it and it happens despite our calls in the past of 24 hour public sector strikes and a national demo. This time it’s different much bigger in what we are demanding. After N14 last week it is about time the British labour movement join our brothers and sisters on the continent on strike. We need the biggest pressure we can mount on the leaders of our movement only a movement from below like the NSSN which is becoming a force in the labour movement now not decisive but a significant force. We need to keep passing motions in our unions and trades council but this lobby too will be important. The NSSN which has now had 11 regional public meetings/conferences is really building a name for itself. Let’s make our voices heard on the 11th of December. The National Shop Stewards Network (NSSN) is organising a lobby of the TUC General Council when it meets on Tuesday 11th December. It will assemble from 9.30am at Congress House in Great Russell Street, London. NSSN national chair Rob Williams said: Up to a thousand union activists came to our lobby of the TUC conference in Brighton in September to encourage TUC delegates to vote for the POA motion which called on the TUC to consider the practicalities of organising a general strike against the brutal austerity offensive from this government of the rich. The motion was overwhelmingly passed and the idea of a 24-hour general strike dominated the magnificent demonstrations in London, Glasgow and Belfast on October 20th which saw over 150,000 marches against the cuts. On the London platform, Bob Crow of the RMT, Mark Serwotka - PCS and Len McCluskey - Unite, called for this coordinated action across the public and private sectors. The incredible November 14th European-wide day of action against austerity saw general strikes in Greece, Spain and Portugal and strikes, protests and demonstrations throughout the continent. Speakers on the NSSN stage at the London 20th October protest called on the TUC and the union leaders to name the day for a 24-hour general strike when they next meet together on 11th December. The NSSN understands that this would need proper preparation and organisation with workplace and town hall meetings throughout the country explaining why this action is necessary in order to build maximum support for it as the start of the action needed to defeat the attacks that are raining down on us. Therefore, a date in the New Year or the first couple of months in 2012 would allow this but the main thing is to name the date now. The NSSN calls on all its supporters and fellow trade unionists to come on the lobby to make our voice heard.

Unite the union opens up to the unemployed and marginalised

Less than one week after the biggest strike in generations, the country’s biggest union is launching a new membership scheme to ensure those pushed to the margins of society can benefit from collective power.

Unite’s new community membership will offer the unemployed, students and all those not in employment the opportunity to become part of one of the most powerful forces for equality in the country. For just 50p per week, community members will have access to financial and legal expertise, as well as the support of up to one and a half million fellow members when standing up for their local services.

Community members will be developed as community activists, bringing together people across their locality who have felt left down or excluded by politics to ensure that they too have a voice at a time of economic turmoil and social change for the nation.

Launching the scheme, Unite’s general secretary, Len McCluskey said:

“This scheme could transform trade unionism in the UK. It comes at a time when horrific cuts and ideological social changes are pushing more and more people to the margins.

“Last week we had the mass action by public servants fighting for pensions justice. Only 24 hours before that, the Chancellor told the country that under his government the attacks on the incomes and services of the ordinary people of this country will continue until 2017. This is a government of the few.

“These are terrible times for ordinary people, but we want to send them a message of hope. So we say now to the millions unemployed, including the young people wasted on the dole and worried for their future, in Unite you have a home. Our mission is your mission – fairness, dignity, respect and strong communities.

“It is time now for those on the margins to organise, to come together to challenge the decisions made by the elite in the interests of the few. This is the real Big Society - ordinary people organising for themselves - in action.”

The Unite community membership is available to students, the unemployed and all others not in work for whatever reason costing just 50p a week. The scheme offers members a range of financial benefits and services, including a legal advice helpline, a welfare benefits check-up, debt counselling, assistance with CVs, application forms, and interviews and hardship grants.

For information on the scheme email: community@unitetheunion.org or call the Community Membership information line 0333 240 9798 (calls chargeable at normal landline rates) or visit http://www.unitetheunion.org/community



I think this is excellent newsws and opens the way for students, unemployed and those on low incomes to join a union and get involved in trade unions and the labour movement.

Its about time this kind of scheme is rolled out. In the 80's i understand there were similar ideas during the struggles over the poll tax for people to organise in anti poll tax unions. This is a similar idea but gives ordinary working class people a voice if not in work.

I have heard many critisisms of trade unions from people being hurt by the cuts saying the unions will only defend those in work and dont care about the disabled, students or any of us who dont work. This move by Unite is a step forward and aims to reach those people who claim trade unions are not for everyone.

Trade unions can be for all and united and organised we can win. As N30 showed the collective power of the organised working class can win and together we are stronger for it.

As a comrade informed me at a recent jarrow march meeting if this does take off it would only require trade unionists standing for elections and we have a new workers party by default. This idea is one step from forming that new workers party.

This is why i'm really encouraged by this move by unite gets ordinary peoples voices heard and hopefully can shift this union into action in opposing all cuts not just some cuts which is the current labour line.

The mass of people joining i would also hope in dragging Unite away from labour and their "too far too fast" line on cuts. The more we organise and get involved the greater our voice.

Telling others that we must oppose all cuts and not a single cut is needed and popularising that idea will be a great step forward.

So i welcoem this idea and hope many people take up unites very reasonable offer.

The labour party on N30 and beyond

Alot of talk this week will be on the big one day public sector general strikes this wednesday of course but many including Len Mcklusky are still hoping the Labour party will back these strikes.

In this piece in the Morning Star :
http://t.co/aeezb0Sf


Len tries to make out Labour can be workers friends and that it can be reclaimed and will hopefully support the unions on strike this week. Sorry Len i do not share this optimism with you pal.

Len speaks a good game but i am yet to be convinced he is serious a bout taking back the labour party. The fact he thinks he can convince Ed Miliband who condemned the strikes on June 30th this year already means nothing to him clearly. It will be interesting to see if Len changes his mind if Ed fails to back these strikes which i suspect he will not.
The pension reforms being force fed to workers by this Con-Dem government and being threatened all the time with taking away any offers and increasing anti trade union laws is as thick and fast as ever from the tories.
But also dont forget these proposals were drawn up by a Labour lord Lord Hutton who suggested these cuts to workers pensions after the Labour government had negotiated a deal not so long ago that was fair.
Ed Balls yesterday on TV admitted that Labour would be having to do something similar making workers in the public sector work longer, pay morea nd get lessas a result of their agreement that workers must pay for a crisis that they did not cause.

With the labour leadership Balls and Miliband together workers do not have a ally at all in fact Miliband was photographed laughing and joking with David Cameron and Nick Clegg on 30th of June this year disgustingly.

I hear that many labour councils and labour members are supporting this week's strikes. I think this is great of course i'm not dogmatic against la bour if their membership supports striking workers that is a good thing but be under no illusion this is easy for the members to back as they hold little influence on the leadership and are many ordinary public sector workers too.
For them to be serious about opposing this government they must urge their councillors and MP's to move to a no to all cuts position and refuse to make cuts at a local council level next year.

As public sector workers prepare for the planned 30 November one-day strike, the question of a political voice of opposition to cuts, along with their strength in the union, is posed.

Pieces like this on Labour List only set to underline many socialist party members views that Labour cannot be reclaimed and a new workers party is needed.
http://t.co/3ZiFTFkE
In the piece the new labour member claims that strikes damage labours electorability and Labour should not be backing strikes instead siding on the side of the public. Not bothering to mention ordinary public sector workers are not only members of that same public but are also tax payers who can vote. This blairite writes them all off in one fail swoop.
I would think it is sufficient to say that as the Labour Party currently stands, it is not really possible to openly campaign for socialist policies, and even if we could, it wouldn't sound plausible to the electorate, bearing in mind the policies carried out over the 13 years of the previous Labour governments. So we see the clear need to independently put socialist policies before the electorate, and try to build a pole of attraction around which the unions can organise politically.

TUSC and the Socialist Party could and should be playing the part of exerting a gravitational pull on the labour movement (and party) towards socialism. But to be able to do that requires a medium (field) of comradely debate and approach.

On the other hand, we do believe that the few socialists who are labouring away to change the Labour Party are pursuing a futile task. Never in its history has the left been so weak both in the Parliamentary Labour Party and among the rank-and-file.

We have pointed out many times that they are like prisoners smuggling the occasional note between the bars to workers outside. Very few workers participate in what is increasingly an empty shell. In fact even the 'shell' may no longer exist if Miliband gets his way and further dissolves the party, particularly the influence of the trade unions within it.

Small cabals - who have no connection with the radical and heroic periods of Labour - run a machine totally alien to working class people. Any socialist - inside or outside the Labour Party, and it is mostly the latter - is bound to come into collision with them.


This would be the case if the LRC or Socialist appeal our comradely cousins still inside the Labour party from our militant days every organised properly into a serious force instead of working largely as individuals. If they took a stronger stance on cuts and fought the labour leadership and appealed to workers to rejoin the party on mass. But so far this is not happening.

It is unrealistic to think that workers who are losing their jobs - some of them never to work again - and many seeing vital services destroyed should engage in polite exchanges with 'Labour... Yes Labour councils and councillors'. It is legitimate to express anger and, yes, rage - not just against the Tories and Liberals - but against a Labour caste at local level which is inflicting terrible punishment on working people.

It is also necessary to forcefully take up and oppose those who seek to excuse Labour sell-outs. Some on the left refused to endorse the Socialist Party's implacable opposition to 'all cuts'. But we were at one with those like Mark Serwotka, general secretary of the PCS civil servants union and Bob Crow, leader of the RMT transport workers union. Those who are prepared to accept 'some cuts' are acting as a left flank, apologists for Labour councillors and councils who are betraying everything which the Labour Party originally stood for.

For instance, Waltham Forest council - controlled by Labour - has inflicted £3 million of cuts to wages and conditions of its workers yet £18 million has been paid to 'consultants' whose main job is to make these cuts to jobs and services! And this is as typical of 'Labour' councils as Tory or Lib Dem.

Will local government emerge at the end of the 'cuts programme' in the absurd position of the NHS where "in 2006, Accountancy Age reported that the NHS was spending more on consultants than all Britain's manufacturers put together"? [London Review of Books.]

This scandal was pushed through by the likes of New Labour health ministers Alan Milburn and Patricia Hewitt, who then got cushy, well-paid jobs in the health private sector!


On reclaming the Labour party we can never say never where politics are concerned. Nor is it theoretically excluded that if a mass workers' party is not urgently built, the impulse for a new party could come from within even a bourgeois party.

Such is the depth of the present economic and social crisis that, in time, this can find an expression even in such a party leading to a left split, out of which could come the basis of a radical or even a new mass workers' party.

Something like this happened in Greece where the 'left-wing' of the liberal capitalist party the Centre Union - led by the late Andreas Papandreou - came out of that party following the overthrow of the Greek military junta in 1974.

Such was the sweep of the revolution in the post-1974 period and the colossal changes in consciousness which this evoked that the objective basis for the new mass socialist party Pasok was created. The present 'Pasok' is a million miles removed from its socialist origins.

But we do not think that it is likely that Labour could be transformed in Britain in the next period. We cannot just 'wait' for future events to hopefully change the Labour Party, while in the meantime the working class goes to hell in a handcart.

We have to seek to exert pressure now through a new workers' party, no matter how small initially. The Labour party has been transformed under the New Labour counter-revolution carried out first by Blair, then by Brown and today by Miliband into a capitalist formation.

In fact, Tony Blair recognised this when he declared that New Labour was an entirely 'new party'. Conversely if Labour is to be 'transformed', as some still hope, then this would effectively mean setting up a new party, which by standing on clear socialist policies would represent a clear break.

Labour's current policies are a continuation of Blair's pro-capitalist agenda. This is expressed in terms of policy; witness Miliband's completely pro-capitalist assault on the trade unions at the TUC. It is reflected also in the internal organisation and character of the Labour Party which is fundamentally different from what existed in the past.

The old Labour Party, of which we were a significant force (through Militant - now the Socialist Party), involved the participation of the working class and the trade unions. It was a 'bourgeois workers' party' - with a pro-capitalist leadership at the top but a base among workers below. But it was also very open and democratic, and the leadership was forced to take account of the rank-and-file and its views.

Those who seek to argue that 'nothing has fundamentally changed' in the character of the Labour Party are mistaken. Compare the present situation in the Labour Party to the 1960s. Harold Wilson, supported by Barbara Castle the Labour minister at the time, tried to push through anti-union legislation.

This was massively opposed by the rank-and-file of the party and the majority of the National Executive Committee. If Wilson had not retreated he would have been compelled to resign. Neither could he militarily support US imperialism on the Vietnam War- despite the urgings of the then US President Johnson - for the same reason.

Tony Blair, however, got the support of Labour's conference delegates - who in the past were solidly to the left of the leadership - for the obscene and criminal Iraq war.

Some object that to describe New Labour as 'capitalist' is an 'exaggeration', because workers are still voting Labour. This, it is argued, indicates that Labour - 'warts and all' - is 'different' from the other two capitalist parties.

Yes, Labour is 'different', in the same way as the Democratic Party in the US differs from the right-wing Republican Party. The Democrats are more 'liberal' but are still a pronounced capitalist party.

So also was the Liberal Party in the 19th century and the early part of the 20th century. Sections of the working class and the trade unions in Britain saw it as an alternative until mighty events - the decline of British imperialism and its inability to continue to grant concessions to the working class - undermined this. This prepared the way for the rise of the Labour Party itself as a mass political expression of the trade unions.

Those who furnished the mass basis for the Labour Party were the sons and daughters of workers who previously voted Liberal. This will happen with the building of a new party.

Even to those who hope that Labour can be changed, we pose the questions: 'What do we do now in the political and electoral arenas? How does the labour movement exert pressure on Labour in order to defeat and change its present craven capitulation to big business, which is disheartening its former and present supporters? By propaganda or vague hopes for the future alone? The bureaucratic caste which dominates Labour is totally impervious to this.

But Labour's reaction could be different if a new party was formed, with a solid base among trade unionists. Electoral success for such a party could force change in the current anti-working class, anti-union stance of New Labour. More importantly, it would provide a political voice to millions who are effectively disenfranchised.
We face much ridicule from others on the left and even from some within the Labour party which i accept is enivitable while people still feel the labour party can be changed.
But Keir Hardie in Britain and James Connolly in Ireland - who were pioneers, like we are today for workers' parties - were also ridiculed. They got very small votes initially (Hardie gained 8% of the vote in his first parliamentary election in the Lanarkshire coalfields). They were proven to be correct and their critics silenced by the development of the kind of parties they campaigned for.

What is TUSC ?

The trade Unionist and Socialist Coalition (TUSC) was set-up last year to enable trade unionists, community campaigners and socialists who wanted to resist the pro-cuts consensus of the establishment parties to stand candidates in the 2010 general election.

By registering TUSC with the electoral commission, candidates could appear on the ballot paper as Trade Unionist and Socialist Coalition rather than as 'Independent' which they would otherwise have to do under electoral law.

TUSC came out of a series of discussions by participants in the No2EU-Yes to Democracy coalition, which contested the 2009 European elections with the official support of the RMT transport workers' union, the Socialist Party, and others - the first time a trade union had officially backed a national electoral challenge to Labour since the party's foundation.

TUSC is a coalition with a steering committee which includes, in a personal capacity, the RMT general secretary Bob Crow, and fellow executive member Owen Herbert; the assistant general secretary of the PCS civil servants union, Chris Baugh, and the union's vice-president, John McInally; the president of the National Union of Teachers, Nina Franklin; and the recently retired general secretary of the Prison Officers Association, Brian Caton. The Socialist Party and the Socialist Workers Party are also represented on the committee.

TUSC is a federal 'umbrella' coalition, with agreed core policies endorsed by all its candidates but with participating organisations accountable for their own campaigns. Its core policies include, among others, opposition to public spending cuts and privatisation, student grants not fees, and the repeal of the anti-trade union laws.

It makes a clear socialist commitment to "bringing into democratic public ownership the major companies and banks that dominate the economy, so that production and services can be planned to meet the needs of all and to protect the environment".

The labour party of 2011, Prospects for regaining the party, or not ?

In this two part mini series i will look at the political landscape for working class people today in Britain. We as the working class are coming under increasing attacks from austerity measures from the capitalists across the globe who want to make us pay fora crisis we did not make.

There is much opposition to this already and it will only grow i feel. But as a situation develops it could be dangerous i feel if a political voice and alternative is not found for the workers.

At present in Britain we have 3 capitalist parties. Tories, Lib dems and Labour, who are the main 3.

The question of the Labour party is a debate which will not go away on the left and in socialist circles.

Can it be regained is the question we often ask ourselves. There are some on the left who do still believe so. Includinga small sect within the labour party left known as the LRC fronted by John Mcdonnell. John and Jeremy Corbin are the two main faces of this group and are apparently socialists in parliament. Despite them too taking all the expenses they can get and not taking the average skilled workers wage as Dave Nellist and Terry Fields both of Militant in the 80's did.

But this is not my point.

Here we examine whether the labour party can be regained by the workers to turn it into a major force for the working class. To have a voice to counter the arguements of the capitalists is key. At present there is no one to do this on a mass scale.

We in the socialist party formally Militant used to be in the Labour party of course but were expelled in the late 80's for fighting for working class interests.

Also we as the socialist party are not sectarian as is often leveled at us for various unfair reasons. We are not dogmatic at all and if the Labour party was by some stroke of the imagination was regained for the workers and we only believe this can happen with a mass influx of workers into the party we will clearly welcome this with open arms. We will not refuse to work with them just as they are labour we will be pleased.

But to do this would take a lot as we look at now.

In the second piece of this two part series we will look at the alternatives to Labour and what we could do if for whatever reason and there are many the labour party could not be regained for the workers.

"The Labour Party died on Thursday." This was how one letter to the Guardian on 1 July, the day after the biggest strike action in decades, summed up the feelings of millions about Labour leader Ed Miliband's condemnation of the strikes.

To add insult to injury Miliband, having condemned the strike, was then photographed in parliament laughing over a cup of tea with Cameron and Clegg, while the pickets stood outside.

In reality, the Labour Party, as a vehicle for the interests of the working class, died long ago. Under Blair the party was transformed from a capitalist workers' party - with a capitalist leadership but a working class base that could influence the party via its democratic structures - into a capitalist party.

However, Miliband's statement has brought the pro-capitalist reality of New Labour home to millions. Another letter to the Guardian on 1 July drew the conclusion that many others will also be pondering: "Surely it is time for a new party to represent workers and hold true to the values many of us thought Labour was supposed to represent."

The death of political parties is being widely predicted by capitalist commentators. The real reason for their shrinking membership, however, was mentioned as an aside by Anthony King in the Financial Times (2 July): "differences among the main parties have narrowed, sometimes to vanishing point. Few socialist parties exist any longer, and only the tiniest fringe parties talk the language of political struggle."

King went on to say that the continued decline of party memberships is inevitable. In the past, he states, politics was a matter of "warfare... between classes, nations, races and religious denominations" but in Europe today, he says, this is no longer true.

Class war
It is true that the differences between the establishment political parties has narrowed to vanishing point, but the gap between them and the views of the majority of the population has never been wider.

If King was to ask any public sector worker in Britain, or benefit claimant, or library user, or student if political "warfare" was a thing of the past they would be able to tell him about the vicious class war being conducted by this government against them.

King concludes: "Who in 2011 would dream of christening... a party 'the Labour Party'? The very idea is anachronistic". Given the recent history of the Labour Party in cutting and privatising services and opposing strikes it is very unlikely anyone would give a new workers' party that name, but a mass party that stood for the majority - for the working class, the poor, the young - would, far from being "anachronistic", be enormously popular.

The Socialist Party participates in the Trade Unionist and Socialist Coalition (TUSC www.tusc.org.uk) an electoral alliance involving leading militant trade unionists from the RMT, PCS and NUT.

TUSC plays an important role, enabling trade unionists, community campaigners and socialists to stand candidates against the pro-austerity consensus of the capitalist parties.

For the Socialist Party TUSC is also part of a campaign, which we have waged for well over a decade, for the trade unions to stop funding Labour and to begin to build a new party that stands in the interests of working class people. Both the objective need and potential for such a party has never been greater than it is today.

At the 30 June London strike rally Mary Bousted, the general secretary of the ATL, the most 'moderate' union to take part in the strike, attacked the Labour leadership which is "laughingly called an opposition". She called on trade unionists to 'do it for themselves' (see pages 8 and 9), receiving the biggest cheer of the whole rally.

If any platform speaker had argued for trade unionists to do it for themselves - by striking but also by standing in elections on a clear anti-cuts programme, it would have had a huge response.

Break the Link
None of the unions that went on strike on 30 June are affiliated to the Labour Party. This year's PCS conference agreed that, within the next twelve months, a full membership ballot would be held "to decide whether the union could stand or support candidates in national elections".

If that ballot is passed it will be a major step forward for the trade union movement and would open the possibility of a trade union based electoral alternative on a wider scale.

It is true that the leaders of some of the Labour-affiliated trade unions, particularly Len McCluskey, general secretary of Unite, have argued for a major campaign to reclaim the Labour Party, rather than founding a new party.

Mistakenly there were hopes that Ed Miliband's leadership would represent a step in this direction. On the contrary, as we warned, Miliband's leadership is a continuation of New Labour.

For the trade unions to reclaim Labour would require a mass influx of trade unionists into the party. We don't think that this can be achieved: the main response of trade unionists to Miliband's condemnation of the strike is not to join the Labour Party to change it but to turn away from the Labour Party in disgust. We argue for Unite to stop funding New Labour and to begin to build a new party.

Serious campaign
Nonetheless, a serious campaign to reclaim New Labour by affiliated trade unions would be a huge step forward on the current policy of the majority of the union leaders of clinging to the coat-tails of the Labour leadership.

Such a campaign would have to demand that Labour adopts a socialist programme. Key demands would include the repeal of all the anti-trade union laws and opposition to all cuts in public services, not just in words but in action.

It would be necessary to demand that Labour councils stop wielding the axe and instead 'take the Liverpool road', that is to follow the example of Liverpool City Council in the 1980s; refusing to implement cuts and mobilising the workforce and population in a mass campaign in their support.

It would also be necessary to demand that the pro-capitalist leaders be expelled from the party. Linked to this would be the rebuilding of democracy within the Labour Party, which is currently non-existent at national level.

The trade unions, the main funders of New Labour, no longer even have the right to move motions at the toothless annual conference. Yet Miliband is threatening to get rid of even the few tiny remnants of workers' democracy that still exist, including the election of the shadow cabinet.

We do not think that a campaign to reclaim New Labour could succeed. However, we are not inflexible; were it to be effective we would turn towards such a development.

Equally, if we are proved correct, the affiliated trade unions would need to draw the conclusion that New Labour could not be reclaimed and join with those workers who are fighting for the formation of a new party.

Such a party, in contrast to the shrinking membership of all the capitalist parties, would grow rapidly.

United left statement on the condems cuts

April 9 2011 as agreed at United Left AGM, London

This UNITED LEFT unanimously confirms its opposition to all the ConDem Government’s spending cuts. We commit ourselves to fight this ideologically-driven assault on our much valued public services and welfare state which is designed to make working people pay for the economic crisis. Of course there is an alternative – reclaim the missing tax billions from the banks, the multinationals and the rich and powerful in our society who are getting away scot free! Maintain public spending and invest in our future to keep people in jobs and boost the economy!

We congratulate our General Secretary and our UNITE Executive Council in their position of opposing all ConDem Government’s cuts and their call for co-ordinated industrial action, but much more needs to be do

UNITE’s position needs to be communicated much more effectively to our officers and staff; our constitutional committees; our shop stewards and activists; our political (Labour Party Liaison) structures; UNITE MPs and Councillors – and to the media and the wider public. We have concern at the confusing messages apparently still being heard within certain sections of UNITE apparently sympathetic to the Labour leadership’s message of “Too Far, Too Fast” – the so-called “dented shield approach”. This must be robustly dealt with without delay.

We must do more to educate and engage our lay representatives, shop stewards and activists across all sectors of our Union and equip them with the arguments they need to use to engage our members and our local communities if the fightback against the cuts is to be effective. This campaign requires leadership from the top but also grassroots activity at local level.

We encourage all branches and constitutional committees to send resolutions to their Regional Committees and National Industrial Sector Committee and the Executive Council confirming their support for a robust strategy of fighting all ConDem cuts.

UNITED LEFT firmly believes co-ordinated industrial action is an essential tool in the fight against the cuts. Those decisions will of course be taken by our members in democratic postal ballots, but first they must know that they will have their Union’s full support and therefore the confidence to contemplate and then fight for industrial action. We therefore urge our General Secretary to write to all NISCs with a strong message of encouragement to take up the fight. This communication should go not just to those public sector NISCs who are in the direct firing line from the cuts, but to all NISC including those in the private sector. We are seeing an employers’ offensive unleashing itself against all workers - on their pay and conditions, their pensions and their collective bargaining rights. If workers vote to take strike action, they should be encouraged to co-ordinate their strike dates with others in dispute to maximise their effect. We particularly urge an immediate fight back through public sector co-ordinated strikes over pensions and job cuts, in conjunction with other unions.

UNITED LEFT believes we must take the fight to the Labour Party at all levels and make it clear that UNITE cannot support a position of “Too Far, Too Fast” – the so-called “dented shield approach”. We must urgently communicate with UNITE MPs and Councillors to make sure they have an unequivocal message from UNITE of opposing all cuts. They must know they will receive the full support of UNITE if they face disciplinary or other action for supporting UNITE policy. We must ensure UNITE supports candidates for election who oppose the cuts.

UNITED LEFT is determined that UNITE will never abandon those who face the most serious cuts of all; the poor and vulnerable in our society including the disabled, the unemployed and those on low incomes who are now beginning to suffer real hardship as the £18B Welfare Benefits cuts begin to bite. Some are our members but many are not. UNITE’s success in fighting the cuts will require us to stand shoulder to shoulder with those at the sharp end of these, the most vicious cuts of all, hitting those who often have no voice. We urge and encourage our UNITE activists, shop stewards and members to get involved in the fightback, linking up trade unionists with students, pensioners, tenants associations, community groups, the unemployed and welfare claimants.

This is a fight to defend our class. We must redouble our efforts to ensure we will win that fight. UNITED LEFT believes UNITE’s leadership is now on board. Now we must ensure that message runs through UNITE at all levels in everything we do.